october–december 2008 · volume 34, number 4 Page 43
By Claire Prechtel-Kluskens
National Archives
S
lavery—the owning of humans as property—is
surely one of the saddest and darkest aspects of
U.S. history with impacts we continue to feel
today. Most of the records created during the
slavery era that named slaves as individuals were state,
county, or private records. Yet, a number of federal
records that named individual slaves do exist.
e newly released National Archives Microfi lm
Publication M1895, Slave Manifests of Coastwise Vessels
Filed at New Orleans, Louisiana, 1807–1860 (thirty
rolls), is one such body of federal records that names
slaves as individuals. e records are part of Record
Group 36, Records of the U.S. Customs Service. Let’s
look at the reason these records were created before
discussing the records themselves.
Historical background
Written in 1786, and adopted in 1787, the U.S. Con-
stitution did not mention slavery or the slave trade
directly, but only through oblique references. One of
those provisions was Article I, Section 9, which states
that:
e Migration or Importation of such Persons
as any of the States now existing shall think
proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the
Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight
hundred and eight, but a Tax or duty may be
imposed on such Importation, not exceeding
ten dollars for each Person.
is provision was born from the sectional struggle
in the Constitutional Convention between the northern
and southern delegates over three separate issues that
had no logical connection. South Carolina delegate
General Charles Cotesworth Pinckney insisted that
his state and Georgia could not “do without slaves,”
and John Rutledge of South Carolina threatened that
the three states of the lower South would secede unless
permitted to continue this traffi c. e southern states
also insisted that export taxes be outlawed and that a
navigation act restricting shipping to American fl ag
vessels could only be enacted by a two-thirds majority of
Congress. e delegates reached a compromise that for-
bade federal interference with the slave trade for twenty
years, forbade federal taxes on exports, but allowed a
navigation act to be passed by a simple majority like any
other law.
1
In 1807, Congress outlawed the African slave trade,
eff ective 1 January 1808 (2 Stat. 426), and in 1820
declared it to be piracy punishable by death (3 Stat.
600–601). Remaining unimpaired, however, were the
rights to buy and sell slaves, and to transport them from
one slave state to another.
Cotton production grew in economic importance
after the invention of the cotton gin in 1793. e South
nearly doubled its annual production from 1820 to
New Orleans slave
manifests, 1807–60
Slave manifest from the schooner, Hunter, M1895, roll 7.
Page 44 ngs magazine
1830, doubled it again by 1840, and tripled it again
by 1860. By the outbreak of the Civil War, more than
half the value of American goods shipped abroad was in
cotton. A broad belt of Southern land, ranging in width
from about fi ve hundred miles in the Carolinas and
Georgia to six or seven hundred miles in the Mississippi
Valley, was devoted primarily to cotton culture. e
lower South’s wealth came chiefl y from cotton produced
by slaves, although smaller numbers of slaves were
also used profi tably in the Carolina-Georgia rice fi elds
along the coast, and in the production of Louisiana
sugarcane.
2
As cotton growing expanded from Alabama
to Texas, the lower South’s need for slaves increased
also. At the same time, the planters of the upper South
had an oversupply of slave labor. Tobacco-raisers in
such states as Maryland, Virginia, and Kentucky were
suff ering from the continued exhaustion of the soil and
decline of their export trade. As a consequence, surplus
slaves were transported from the one region to the other
by slave traders. In 1836, the peak year of this traffi c,
more than 120,000 slaves from Virginia alone were sold
in the lower South. In the 1840s and 1850s, the domes-
tic slave trade slowed somewhat because of a revival of
agriculture in the upper South that was partly due to
the discovery of better methods of curing tobacco and
the introduction of new and superior varieties.
3
e act of 2 March 1807 (2 Stat. 426), which
outlawed the slave trade, also imposed regulations on
the coastal transportation of slaves. Eff ective 1 January
1808, vessels under 40 tons in coastwise trade were
prohibited from transporting slaves. e captain or
master of vessels over 40 tons in coastwise trade were
required to provide a manifest of slave cargo to the
collector of customs at the port of departure and at the
port of arrival, or to the surveyor if there was no collec-
tor of customs at the port. Specifi cally, the act provided
as follows:
Section 9… at the captain, master, or com-
mander of any ship or vessel of the burthen of
forty tons or more…sailing coastwise, from any
port in the United States, to any port or place
within the jurisdiction of the same, having on
board any negro, mulatto, or person of colour,
for the purpose of transporting them to be sold
or disposed of as slaves, or to be held to service
or labour, shall, previous to the departure of
such ship or vessel, make out and subscribe du-
plicate manifests of every such negro, mulatto,
or person of colour, on board such ship or ves-
sel, therein specifying the name and sex of each
person, their age and stature, …whether negro,
mulatto, or person of colour, with the name and
place of residence of every owner or shipper of
the same, and shall deliver such manifests to
the collector of the port, if there be one, other-
wise to the surveyor, before whom the captain,
master, or commander, together with the owner
or shipper, shall severally swear or affi rm to
the best of their knowledge and belief that the
persons therein specifi ed were not imported or
brought into the United States [after 1 January
1808], and that under the laws of the state, they
are held to service or labour; whereupon the said
collector or surveyor shall certify the same on
the said manifests, one of which he shall return
to the said captain, master, or commander,
october–december 2008 · volume 34, number 4 Page 45
…and authorizing him to proceed to the port of
his destination.
Section 10… at the captain, master, or com-
mander…shall, previous to the unlading or
putting on shore any of the persons afore-
said…deliver to the collector, if there be one, or
if not, to the surveyor residing at the port of her
arrival, the manifest certifi ed by the collector or
surveyor of the port from whence she sailed, as
is herein before directed, to the truth of which,
before such offi cer, he shall swear or affi rm,
and…the collector or surveyor…shall thereupon
grant a permit for unlading or suff ering such
negro, mulatto, or person of colour, to be put
on shore.
us, two copies were made of each slave manifest.
Section 9 required one copy to be inspected, certifi ed,
and collected by federal offi cials before a vessel left port.
Section 10 required the second copy, which also had
been inspected and certifi ed at the port of departure, to
be inspected, certifi ed, and collected by federal offi cials
at the port of arrival.
Records description
e records included in M1895 are the “inward
manifests” required by Section 10 of this act to be fi led
upon arrival at New Orleans, as well as the “outward
manifests” required by Section 9 of the act to be fi led
before departure from New Orleans. Not all manifests
are extant. No inward manifests have survived from the
years 1808–1818 and 1858, and no outward manifests
have survived from the years 1813–17, 1837, and 1859.
Some manifests may have been lost from the years for
which manifests are extant.
Most of the manifests are preprinted fi ll-in-the-blank
forms of various sizes. Most are just a single page, while
others consist of several pages. Each manifest includes
the name of the vessel, its ports of departure and arrival,
dates of certifi cation by the collector of customs or
other federal offi cial, the captain or master’s name, and a
description of each slave on the vessel, including name,
age, sex, height, name of owner or shipper, and color.
In addition to the offi cial color designations of “negro,
mulatto, or person of colour,” many manifests indicate
the slaves’ skin color as black, brown, yellow, tawney
[sic], dark, griff e, or copper. It is assumed that the date
of certifi cation by the collector (or surveyor) regarding
the accuracy of the manifest was the same as the date of
arrival or departure. Some single-page manifests have
the arrival certifi cation on the reverse side.
e manifests are arranged chronologically, but
there may be some disarrangement, and researchers
are advised to search an entire year if a vessel’s known
arrival or departure on a particular date is not found in
the chronological sequence. For the 1821–27 inward
manifests, there is a segment of “miscellaneous” mani-
fests following each year’s main sequence of inward
manifests.
Ports of departure and intended ports of arrival range
as far north as Baltimore, Maryland, on the Atlantic
coast, and as far west as Texas ports on the Gulf of
Mexico.
Let’s take a closer look at a few
manifests.
On 17 October 1835, Robert Benthall, master of the
schooner Hunter, presented a slave manifest to the
collector and to the naval offi cer at the “District and
Port of Norfolk and Portsmouth” (M1895, Roll 7). e
slaves were being shipped by omas McCargo for
J. & S. Crosby & Co., for delivery to E. Archinard of
Front image of an outbound slave manifest from the steamship
Mexico, M1895, roll 30.
Reverse image of an outbound slave manifest from the steamship
Mexico, M1895, roll 30.
Page 46 ngs magazine
New Orleans. e fi ve slaves transported all had sur-
names, which was unusual:
James Page, male, age 15, 5 feet 1 inch tall,
black
George Christian, male, age 16, 5 feet 3 inches
tall, black
Noah Nelson, male, age 15, 5 feet 1 inch tall,
black
Jerry Page, male, age 15, 5 feet tall, black
Oliver Peyton, male, age 16, 5 feet 3 inches tall,
black
After the Hunter arrived at New Orleans, its cargo
was inspected by federal offi cials on 9 and 11 November
1835.
On the eve of Civil War, on 25 September 1860,
M. Callot of New Orleans, the owner of two slaves, and
Mr. Talbot, the master of the steamship Mexico, pre-
sented their slave manifest to omas Shields, Collector
of the District of New Orleans (M1895, Roll 30). e
manifest named two slaves to be shipped from
New Orleans to Galveston, Texas:
Annette, female, age 22, 5 feet 4 inches tall,
black
“one infant,” female, 11 months, yellow
e Mexico may have dropped anchor at
New Orleans often. On 22 October 1860, J. R. Mott
of New Orleans, the owner of several slaves, and W. H.
Talbot, the master of the steamship Mexico, presented
their slave manifest to A. Buchel, deputy collector
for the port of La Salle, Texas (M1895, Roll 16). e
manifest named eight slaves to be shipped from La Salle
to New Orleans:
James, male, age 60, 5 feet 8 inches tall, griff e
Ellen, female, age 30, 5 feet 3 inches tall, griff e
Cora, female, age 3, griff e
John, male, age 25, 5 feet 8 inches tall, mulatto
Julia Ann, female, age 20, 5 feet 3 inches tall,
mulatto
Ned, male, age 4, mulatto
Julia, female, age 24, 5 feet 3 inches tall, griff e
Victorine, female, age 16, 5 feet 2 inches tall,
black
ree days later, on 25 October 1860, the Mexico
docked at New Orleans, where David Orcutt, “boarding
offi cer,” examined the manifest and the human cargo for
the collector of customs at New Orleans.
How researchers can use these records
African-American researchers may fi nd these records
useful if they are able to link a specifi c person in these
records to someone specifi cally named as sold or
shipped in non-federal records. Most of the slaves in
these manifests lack surnames. Positive linkage between
a name in a slave manifest and someone with the same
name in other records may prove diffi cult.
Caucasians with an ancestor who was a ship captain
or master may be successful in learning details about
the ancestor’s ship name, sailing routes, sailing dates,
and human cargo. Likewise, persons researching slave
owners and slave traders may be able to learn more
about their human property and business. Researchers
with an ancestor who was collector of customs, deputy
collector, surveyor, etc., may fi nd that ancestor signing
the manifest after inspecting the cargo.
Maritime historians and slave trade historians will
be able to learn more about this aspect of interstate
commerce.
Inbound front side slave manifest from the steamship Mexico, M1895,
roll 16.
Inbound reverse side slave manifest from the steamship Mexico,
M1895, roll 16.
october–december 2008 · volume 34, number 4 Page 47
For more information
M1895 is available for researcher use at the National
Archives Building, Washington, D.C., and at NARA
Regional Archives at Anchorage, Alaska; Chicago;
Denver; Fort Worth, Texas; Kansas City, Missouri;
Philadelphia; San Francisco; and Seattle.
For more information about the slave trade within
the United States, see Walter Johnson, Soul by Soul: Life
Inside the Antebellum Slave Market (Cambridge, Mass.:
Harvard University Press, 1999) and Ralph Clayton,
Cash for Blood: e Baltimore to New Orleans Domestic
Slave Trade (Baltimore: Heritage Books, 2002).
For more information about federal records docu-
menting various aspects of the slave trade, see Walter B.
Hill Jr., “Living with the Hydra: e Documentation
of Slavery and the Slave Trade in Federal Records,”
Prologue: Quarterly of the National Archives, Vol. 32
(Winter 2000). Part I is online at <http://www.archives.
gov/publications/prologue/2000/winter/hydra-slave-
trade-documentation-1.html> and Part 2 is online at
<http://www.archives.gov/publications/prologue/2000/
winter/hydra-slave-trade-documentation-2.html>
Similar slave manifests also exist for the ports of
Mobile, Alabama, Savannah, Georgia, and Beaufort
and Charleston, South Carolina, but have not been
microfi lmed. ey are located at NARA’s Southeast
Region, 5780 Jonesboro Road, Morrow, GA 30260.
Similar slave manifests for the port of Philadelphia have
not been microfi lmed, and are located at NARA’s Mid
Atlantic Region, 900 Market Street, Philadelphia, PA
19107.
Notes
1. Samuel Eliot Morison, The Oxford History of the
American People, Vol. 1, Prehistory to 1789 (New York: New
American Library, 1972), 400.
2. John D. Hicks, The Federal Union: A History of the
United States to 1865 (Boston: Houghton Miffl in Co., 1937),
493.
3. Ibid., 497.
Claire Prechtel-Kluskens, a microfi lm projects archivist
at NARA, Washington, D.C., served as NGS registrar
(1996–98) and director (1998–2000). She can be reached
at <ckluskens@yahoo.com>. Opinions expressed are her
own and do not necessarily refl ect the policies of NARA.
Roll List for M1895, Slave Manifests of
Coastwise Vessels Filed at New Orleans,
Louisiana, 1807–1860
Roll Type Date span
1 Inward 1807, 1808–18 (none), 1819–21
2 1822
3 1823–25
4 1826–27
5 1828
6 1829–31
7 1832–36
8 1837–41
9 1842–43
10 1844–45
11 1846–47
12 1848–50
13 1851–52
14 1853–54
15 1855–56
16 1857, 1858 (none), 1859–1860
17 Outward 1812 (one), 1813–17 (none),
1818–23
18 1824–27
19 January–October 28, 1828
20 October 30, 1828–1833
21 1834–36, 1837 (none)
22 1838–40
23 1841–45
24 1846–November 1847
25 November 1847–June 1850
26 July 1850–March 12, 1853
27 March 12–December 1853
28 1854–55
29 1856–57
30 1858, 1859 (none), 1860
